President Barack Obama is scheduled to host Vietnamese  president Truong Tan Sang at the White House on July 25. Sang?s  first-ever visit to Washington will provide a platform for the leaders to  explore closer cooperation between the two historically linked countries.
 Within ASEAN, Vietnam may be the country most focused on geostrategic  balancing. Given its proximity to, history with, and unique understanding of  China, Vietnam has become one of the region?s most effective proponents for  strengthening relations, building institutions, and convincing China to emerge  as a regional power with respect for its neighbors.
 While it thinks regionally, Vietnam itself is evolving  politically. Sang?s visit comes at a particularly critical time at home. The  government is struggling with how to allow more political space for its  citizens, who have become empowered through the economic benefits of its reform  efforts. Vietnam expert Jonathan London of City University of Hong Kong points  out that over the past six months, a much more vibrant and open political  debate has emerged in the country on issues such as revising the constitution.  The Communist Party of Vietnam has allowed higher levels of access to  government decision-making and accountability, including allowing National  Assembly members to evaluate the performance of top government leaders.
 Much of this debate has played out in a dynamic blogosphere  at the same time that more Vietnamese bloggers are being arrested.  Interestingly, this debate has emerged at a time when the domestic economy has  slowed and conflicts within the ruling party have burst into the open.?
 Despite these complications at home, and in part because of  them, Vietnam?s leaders have launched a diplomatic offensive of sorts in recent  months. Sang is coming to Washington shortly after visits to Beijing to meet  with the new Chinese leadership and to Indonesia to sign a strategic  partnership agreement. The Vietnamese president?s meeting with Obama will come  less than two months after Sang?s political rival, Prime Minister Nguyen Tan  Dung, made what London calls ?an unusually  effective presentation of Vietnamese views on the international stage? when he  delivered a keynote speech on regional security at the Shangri-La Dialogue in  Singapore in early June.?
 Vietnamese leaders competing for good ideas and leadership  profile is not a bad thing for the country?s partners, including the United  States. The Obama administration came into office in 2009 looking to rebalance  the focus of U.S. foreign policy toward a more broadly defined Indo-Pacific  region with Southeast Asia at its core. As part of that effort, it proposed  discussing a strategic partnership with Vietnam. But that strategic partnership  never quite took off.
 Conservative factions in Vietnam appeared reluctant to go  too far too fast with the United States out of concerns about irritating China,  a country with which Vietnam?s Communist Party and military enjoy long-standing  but often tense ties. In Washington, Congress put increasing pressure on the  administration to address human rights violations in Vietnam, which worsened at  the same time that nearby Myanmar?s dramatic political reforms were garnering  increasing attention in Washington.?
 Sang?s arrival will give both sides an opportunity to  recalibrate the bilateral relationship. It is not clear if the two partners believe  this is the right time to resurrect the strategic partnership, but the  discussion is expected to be comprehensive, covering economic and trade  relations, political and security issues, and people-to-people ties.
 For Vietnam, the visit will offer an opportunity to pursue  issues like the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), enhancing military-to-military  ties, and a discussion of security issues in Asia, particularly in the disputed  South China Sea where both China and Vietnam are claimants.
 For the United States, the visit will provide a chance to  discuss its concerns on human rights and religious freedom. These issues, once  a one-way discussion, have become more interactive, according to officials on  both sides. That sadly has not eradicated the issues causing concern, but a  foundation for mutual respect and consideration is starting to be established.
 ?Human rights should be part [of a larger U.S.] strategy,  but should not become the focal point that impedes progress in other areas,?  argues Carlyle Thayer, a leading scholar on Vietnam at the Australia Defence  Force Academy.
 Bilateral relations between the United States and Vietnam  have improved dramatically since normalization 17 years ago. The two countries  now enjoy strong two-way trade, which reached $25 billion in 2012 (with the  United States suffering a trade deficit of almost $16 billion), and they are  partners in the 12-nation TPP trade agreement negotiations. Strong  people-to-people ties have developed, with Vietnam now the eighth-largest  provider of foreign students to U.S. schools.
 A robust economic partnership is the linchpin of strong  U.S.-Vietnam relations. Washington pushed hard to include Vietnam, one of the  least developed countries negotiating the TPP, in the agreement. Vietnam signed  on because officials thought it would speed up the country?s integration into  the global market and accelerate domestic economic reform. Many analysts  believe that Vietnam stands to be one of the biggest winners from the TPP.?
 During his visit, Sang will look for a signal from the U.S.  president that the United States will provide increased market access to  Vietnam?s booming garment industry, a key condition for Hanoi agreeing to other  TPP provisions. Some TPP negotiating partners are quietly urging the United  States to give this issue more consideration, as it is fundamental for Vietnam  to participate in an agreement that could completely reorder its laws and its  approach to commercial engagement with partners in the TPP.
 Washington, on the other hand, will look for a commitment  from Vietnam that it will level the playing field for competition with its  state-owned enterprises and do more to protect intellectual property rights.  Obama can also be expected to offer Vietnam technical assistance to address the  broad range of new trade and investment issues the country will confront in the  TPP.
 The South China Sea dispute is another hot topic that will  be discussed in the meeting. Both presidents can be expected to endorse efforts  between ASEAN countries and China to negotiate a code of conduct to avoid  accidental conflicts in the South China Sea.?
 Thayer recommends that the United States consider ways to  assist Vietnam in raising maritime domain awareness through the sale of coastal  radar technology, supporting aerial surveillance, and promoting cooperation  between the U.S. Coast Guard and Vietnam?s Marine Police.?
 On military-to-military relations, Vietnam has been focused  but careful, based on its concern that cooperation with the United States could  complicate relations with China. Nonetheless, there could be a thaw in the air  with the recent meeting in Washington between Vietnam?s chief of the General  Staff, Senior Lt. Gen. Do Ba Ty, and the U.S. chairman of the Joint Chiefs of  Staff, Gen. Martin Dempsey.
 To follow up on the general?s visit, Thayer suggests that  Washington consider offering Vietnamese officers more fellowships at U.S.  national defense establishments and fund Vietnam?s participation in  international seminars and conferences of interest to both countries.  Washington has earlier offered to assist Vietnam with its commitment to  increase its involvement in international peacekeeping.
 Both Vietnam and the United States recognize that it is in  their strategic interests to maintain close relations. Sang?s visit will  reaffirm that shared belief and set the stage for a more enhanced U.S.-Vietnam  partnership in the decade ahead.
 (This Commentary originally appeared in the July  11, 2013, issue of Southeast  Asia from the Corner of 18th & K Streets.)
 Murray Hiebert is senior fellow  and deputy director of the Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies at the  Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C. Phoebe  De Padua is a researcher with the Sumitro Chair.
 Commentary is produced by the Center for  Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), a private, tax-exempt institution  focusing on international public policy issues. Its research is nonpartisan and  nonproprietary. CSIS does not take specific policy positions. Accordingly, all  views, positions, and conclusions expressed in this publication should be  understood to be solely those of the author(s).
 ? 2013 by the Center for Strategic and International  Studies. All rights reserved.
Source: http://csis.org/publication/vietnams-president-visiting-white-house-talk-strategy
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